Post by aneaglesangel on Apr 9, 2010 11:45:38 GMT -5
We all know I have been captured by the spirits of King Philip's War. Anyone who speaks with me about this subject knows how I get. The fiery eyes, the passion that fills my words. Somehow, when I heard the spirits of the Wampanoags call me keetompoag, I became one of them. Now when I walk in their places, I feel their spirits walking with me, just as I did as a child. Their drums beat in my head and their voices echo in my heart.
Search as I might, I find little more about the people than convoluted reports made by "historians." Prejudice and hatred did more to lose the essence of these people than the war ever did. For you see, I dig deeper into this lost war every day. I read, read, read, I write, write, write, and still the very soul of what I'm looking for is illusive. I have read of the proud and brave Metacomet as a "naked savage lying dead in the mud" and as an "unreasoning and cruel barbarian." I have not once read of Philip/Metacomet as a father, a brother, a husband. I can not tell you how angry I feel at times when I read the words of so called "historians" who seem to have a very one sided and prejudiced view of someone we barely knew, let alone gave the privilege of "justice."
Here are two accounts that I have read on the subject of Philip/Metacomet. One, the words of a "historian" grated on me like rough stone. I wanted to meet the man who so defamed a person that history does not really even know. Were they there with him as he agonized over his brother's death, but also had to take up his father, and brothers shoes when it occurred? Did they know what it was like to walk away when his own wife and son were captured? I think that inside himself, Metacomet knew he could never win, but I'm sure he at least hoped somehow to save his wife and child. Or maybe at this time, he knew they were all doomed to be executed by the English and so returned to Mount Hope, the royal seat of his family to die? I sort of believe that he knew what was coming, and knew that at this point the only choice left was to rebel, and to fight until his last breath? Even if it led to his being shot in the back by his own kind? In the beginning, I believe Metacomet hoped that he could preserve his tribe's way of life. But by the end, he knew there would be no quarter.
The second I think is a bit more open hearted. It is written by a man who actually met with Metacomet and writes of that meeting. Metacomet is represented as a fair speaking person. He speaks English with the settlers and states his grievances, which seem to be fair grievances to me. The English, in my eyes, have taken on some pretty unfair business practices and Philip addresses them and asks for justice in these matters.
I ask you to read them for yourself. I think you'll see what a convoluted trail it is following this war. An even more lost trail following the people that called themselves, "The People of the Morning Light." I hope that as I dig deeper into these people, that I can find more honest views of these people, rather than reports made by so called "historians" who saw the facts, but never stopped to read them more clearly.
I think as you read the first piece, by an unknown author, it's a sails pdf file that I've got with no further information that I can find on who wrote it, you'll call the author a few choice names. Just as I did!
First "piece." It's a piece of something all right, I'm just too much of a lady to say what exactly....
Excerpts from www.sailsinc.org/Durfee/phillips1-5.pdf
"These men were delving ,
for the truth, -- they say that "Philip's outbreak was prompted by the vindictiveness
and caprice of an unreasoning and cruel barbarian" . No portion
of his country had been appropriated by the strangers except after the
payment of just consideration . Their Indian civilization had been enriche d
by access to conveniences hitherto unknown . The war arose because the
idle Indians demanded support without effort . It was not planned as a
redress for grievances, as is evidenced by the fact that no comprehensive
plan of campaign had been made. When Philip entered the Pocasset
swamp from Mount Hope only thirty of his men had guns, and as he left
KING PHILIP'S WAR 43
the swamp "his powder was almost spent" . His warriors had no store of
clothing or provisions . That the Narragansetts should plot against the
English was at no time unlikely, but they would never have yielded supremacy
in any war to Philip, nor did they so yield it . They craftily and
cunningly used Philip as the "cat's paw", as a name under which Quanopin,
Weetamoe and Canonchet, the real king-makers, sought to carry ou t
their warlike aims. In his own council Philip's wavering and vacillatin g
temperament was used to involve him in reprisals which resulted in a wa r
when no war was by him primarily intended. An Indian sachem was
supposed to express and carry out not his own will but the will of the counci l
over which he presided. Philip apparently hoped he could avoid puttin g
this will into effect . He hesitated but when reluctantly drawn in he coul d
not withdraw, he was doomed if there should be a failure, and no on e
realized that fact better than he . The real Philip was a man who clung t o
savage life and heathen superstitions ; without mental discipline or restrain t
he had shown aptitude for little except falsehood and treachery ; Goodwin
says that "a person of his coarseness, ignorance, inexperience in war, inbre d
indolence and purposelessness could not spring into a great character" ,
"that he is not known to have been personally present or to have taken activ e
part in any one of the fights of the war" . When we add to these opinions the
fact that he was such a coward as to disguise his person to escape identification;
to place his women and children between himself and danger ,
and to run to his death, abandoning to their fate chieftains such as Anawa n
and Tispaquin (see Palfrey, II, 173) and to seek his own safety rather tha n
the welfare of those who had served under his father and had pledge d
their lives to him, we complete the picture of a chieftain who is some time s
spoken of as a "king"."
This is "Easton's" account of meeting with King Philip. It is very badly spelled, for I guess it's in the original form as written by Easton. I think even he sees that the Wampanoags have some legitimate complaints.
From: penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Gazetteer/Places/America/United_States/_Topics/history/_Texts/HOUDOC/Eastons_Relation*.html
But Philip charged it to be disonestly in us to put of the Hering to iust Complaints, therefore we p12consented to hear them. Thay said thay had bine the first in doing Good to the English, and the English the first in doing Rong; said when the English first came, their King's Father was as a great Man, and the English as a littell Child;16 he constrained other Indians from ronging the English, and gave them Corn and showed them how to plant, and was free to do them ani Good, and had let them have a 100 Times more Land than now the King had for his own Peopell. But ther King's Brother, when he was King, came miserably to dy by being forced to Court, as they judge p13poysoned.17 And another Greavance was, if 20 of there onest Indiandº testfieid that a Englishman had dun them Rong, it was as nothing; and if but one of their worst Indians testified against any Indian or ther King, when it pleased the English it was sufitiant. Another Grievance was, when their King sold Land, the English wold say, it was more than they agreed to, and a Writing must be prove against all them, and sum of their Kings had dun Rong to sell so much. He left his Peopell none, and sum being given to Drunknes the English made them p14drunk and then cheated them in Bargains, but now ther Kings wear forwarned not for to part with Land, for nothing in Cumparison to the Value thereof. Now home the English had owned for King or Queen, they wold disinheret, and make another King that wold give or sell them these Lands; that now, they had no Hopes left to kepe ani Land. Another Grievance, the English Catell and Horses still incresed; that when thay removed 30 Mill from where English had ani thing to do, thay could not kepe ther Corn from being p15spoyled, thay never being iused to fence, and thoft when the English boft Land of them thay wold have kept their Catell upon ther owne Land. Another Grievance, the English were so eager to sell the Indians Lickers, yt most of the Indians spent all in Drynknes, and then raueved upon the sober Indians, and thay did believe often did hurt the English Catell, and ther King could not prevent it.
We knew before, these were their grand Complaints, but then only we indevered to persuaid yt all Cumplaints might be righted without War, but could have no other Answer but that thay had not heard of that Way for the Governor of Yorke and an Indian King to have the Hearing of it. We had Case to think in yt had bine tendered it wold have bine acsepted. We indevered yt however thay should lay doune the War, for the English wear to strong for them; thay said, then the English should do to them as they did when thay wear to strong for the English.
So can you see why I get ticked??
Search as I might, I find little more about the people than convoluted reports made by "historians." Prejudice and hatred did more to lose the essence of these people than the war ever did. For you see, I dig deeper into this lost war every day. I read, read, read, I write, write, write, and still the very soul of what I'm looking for is illusive. I have read of the proud and brave Metacomet as a "naked savage lying dead in the mud" and as an "unreasoning and cruel barbarian." I have not once read of Philip/Metacomet as a father, a brother, a husband. I can not tell you how angry I feel at times when I read the words of so called "historians" who seem to have a very one sided and prejudiced view of someone we barely knew, let alone gave the privilege of "justice."
Here are two accounts that I have read on the subject of Philip/Metacomet. One, the words of a "historian" grated on me like rough stone. I wanted to meet the man who so defamed a person that history does not really even know. Were they there with him as he agonized over his brother's death, but also had to take up his father, and brothers shoes when it occurred? Did they know what it was like to walk away when his own wife and son were captured? I think that inside himself, Metacomet knew he could never win, but I'm sure he at least hoped somehow to save his wife and child. Or maybe at this time, he knew they were all doomed to be executed by the English and so returned to Mount Hope, the royal seat of his family to die? I sort of believe that he knew what was coming, and knew that at this point the only choice left was to rebel, and to fight until his last breath? Even if it led to his being shot in the back by his own kind? In the beginning, I believe Metacomet hoped that he could preserve his tribe's way of life. But by the end, he knew there would be no quarter.
The second I think is a bit more open hearted. It is written by a man who actually met with Metacomet and writes of that meeting. Metacomet is represented as a fair speaking person. He speaks English with the settlers and states his grievances, which seem to be fair grievances to me. The English, in my eyes, have taken on some pretty unfair business practices and Philip addresses them and asks for justice in these matters.
I ask you to read them for yourself. I think you'll see what a convoluted trail it is following this war. An even more lost trail following the people that called themselves, "The People of the Morning Light." I hope that as I dig deeper into these people, that I can find more honest views of these people, rather than reports made by so called "historians" who saw the facts, but never stopped to read them more clearly.
I think as you read the first piece, by an unknown author, it's a sails pdf file that I've got with no further information that I can find on who wrote it, you'll call the author a few choice names. Just as I did!
First "piece." It's a piece of something all right, I'm just too much of a lady to say what exactly....
Excerpts from www.sailsinc.org/Durfee/phillips1-5.pdf
"These men were delving ,
for the truth, -- they say that "Philip's outbreak was prompted by the vindictiveness
and caprice of an unreasoning and cruel barbarian" . No portion
of his country had been appropriated by the strangers except after the
payment of just consideration . Their Indian civilization had been enriche d
by access to conveniences hitherto unknown . The war arose because the
idle Indians demanded support without effort . It was not planned as a
redress for grievances, as is evidenced by the fact that no comprehensive
plan of campaign had been made. When Philip entered the Pocasset
swamp from Mount Hope only thirty of his men had guns, and as he left
KING PHILIP'S WAR 43
the swamp "his powder was almost spent" . His warriors had no store of
clothing or provisions . That the Narragansetts should plot against the
English was at no time unlikely, but they would never have yielded supremacy
in any war to Philip, nor did they so yield it . They craftily and
cunningly used Philip as the "cat's paw", as a name under which Quanopin,
Weetamoe and Canonchet, the real king-makers, sought to carry ou t
their warlike aims. In his own council Philip's wavering and vacillatin g
temperament was used to involve him in reprisals which resulted in a wa r
when no war was by him primarily intended. An Indian sachem was
supposed to express and carry out not his own will but the will of the counci l
over which he presided. Philip apparently hoped he could avoid puttin g
this will into effect . He hesitated but when reluctantly drawn in he coul d
not withdraw, he was doomed if there should be a failure, and no on e
realized that fact better than he . The real Philip was a man who clung t o
savage life and heathen superstitions ; without mental discipline or restrain t
he had shown aptitude for little except falsehood and treachery ; Goodwin
says that "a person of his coarseness, ignorance, inexperience in war, inbre d
indolence and purposelessness could not spring into a great character" ,
"that he is not known to have been personally present or to have taken activ e
part in any one of the fights of the war" . When we add to these opinions the
fact that he was such a coward as to disguise his person to escape identification;
to place his women and children between himself and danger ,
and to run to his death, abandoning to their fate chieftains such as Anawa n
and Tispaquin (see Palfrey, II, 173) and to seek his own safety rather tha n
the welfare of those who had served under his father and had pledge d
their lives to him, we complete the picture of a chieftain who is some time s
spoken of as a "king"."
This is "Easton's" account of meeting with King Philip. It is very badly spelled, for I guess it's in the original form as written by Easton. I think even he sees that the Wampanoags have some legitimate complaints.
From: penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Gazetteer/Places/America/United_States/_Topics/history/_Texts/HOUDOC/Eastons_Relation*.html
But Philip charged it to be disonestly in us to put of the Hering to iust Complaints, therefore we p12consented to hear them. Thay said thay had bine the first in doing Good to the English, and the English the first in doing Rong; said when the English first came, their King's Father was as a great Man, and the English as a littell Child;16 he constrained other Indians from ronging the English, and gave them Corn and showed them how to plant, and was free to do them ani Good, and had let them have a 100 Times more Land than now the King had for his own Peopell. But ther King's Brother, when he was King, came miserably to dy by being forced to Court, as they judge p13poysoned.17 And another Greavance was, if 20 of there onest Indiandº testfieid that a Englishman had dun them Rong, it was as nothing; and if but one of their worst Indians testified against any Indian or ther King, when it pleased the English it was sufitiant. Another Grievance was, when their King sold Land, the English wold say, it was more than they agreed to, and a Writing must be prove against all them, and sum of their Kings had dun Rong to sell so much. He left his Peopell none, and sum being given to Drunknes the English made them p14drunk and then cheated them in Bargains, but now ther Kings wear forwarned not for to part with Land, for nothing in Cumparison to the Value thereof. Now home the English had owned for King or Queen, they wold disinheret, and make another King that wold give or sell them these Lands; that now, they had no Hopes left to kepe ani Land. Another Grievance, the English Catell and Horses still incresed; that when thay removed 30 Mill from where English had ani thing to do, thay could not kepe ther Corn from being p15spoyled, thay never being iused to fence, and thoft when the English boft Land of them thay wold have kept their Catell upon ther owne Land. Another Grievance, the English were so eager to sell the Indians Lickers, yt most of the Indians spent all in Drynknes, and then raueved upon the sober Indians, and thay did believe often did hurt the English Catell, and ther King could not prevent it.
We knew before, these were their grand Complaints, but then only we indevered to persuaid yt all Cumplaints might be righted without War, but could have no other Answer but that thay had not heard of that Way for the Governor of Yorke and an Indian King to have the Hearing of it. We had Case to think in yt had bine tendered it wold have bine acsepted. We indevered yt however thay should lay doune the War, for the English wear to strong for them; thay said, then the English should do to them as they did when thay wear to strong for the English.
So can you see why I get ticked??